Course
Syllabus | LH's
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8 Outline
Business Ethics:
Concepts & Cases: Chapter 8 Objectives and Overview
The Individual in the Organization
Learning Objectives
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Distinguish the three models of the organization and understand the distinctive
emphasis of each: the rational structure model with its emphasis on formal
relations of authority and the formal division of labor; the political
model with its emphasis on real power relations, including informal ways
in which power is exercised; and the caring organization model which emphasizes
nonpower relations of cooperation, friendship, and respect.
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Identify the principal moral concerns that are addressed on the rational
structure and political models: duties of the employee to the firm and
of the firm to the employee, on the rational structure model; employee
rights and organizational politics, on the political model.
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Understand the rational structure model's characterization of the business
organization as a structure of formal relationships that are explicitly
defined and openly employed, and how the organizational chart describes
the core features of the organization thus characterized in terms of its
chain of command and division of labor.
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Understand how the law of agency expresses the main duty of the
employee, to work towards the goals of the firm, and the several ways in
which an employee may fail to fulfill this main duty to the firm: by acting
on conflicting interests; by theft; and by abuse of the privileges of one's
position (as by insider trading).
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Understand the principal duties of the firm on the contract view pertaining
to compensation and working conditions; also, the moral issues relating
to fairness of compensation, safe working conditions, and job satisfaction.
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Understand the attempt of the political model to provide a more realistic
characterization of business organizations in terms dynamic power struggles
between competing power coalitions; also, the ways political power and
the power of corporate managers are alike, and the controversies concerning
their differences.
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Identify the principal employee rights and freedoms at issue under the
political model and understand issues relating to each: privacy rights,
freedom of conscience and whistleblowing rights, participation rights,
and due process rights, rights relating to plant closings, and rights to
organize unions.
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Grasp the distinction between formal authority relations and informal power
tactics; appreciate the variety of informal power tactics used and the
two headings under which they all fall; and recognize how power tactics,
due to their informal and frequently covert nature, pose special perils
with regard to utility, rights, justice, and care.
Overview
Individuals in business organizations are frequently unhappy campers: workers
experience alienation and feelings of oppression; middle managers face
estrangement from former comrades and conflicts due to being caught in
the middle between upper management and workers; individuals in upper management
bear heavy burdens of responsibility, aggravated by cut-throat competition
for authority and advancement, and encroachments of business responsibilities
on their private personal lives. In this chapter we consider three
models of the business organization, the place of individuals in it, and
the moral issues pertaining thereto. The rational structure model,
by its emphasis on formal relations of authority and division of labor,
highlights issues regarding the duties of employee to firm and firm to
employee. The political model with its focus on competing
coalitions and informal exercises of power, highlights issues regarding
abuses of power and the rights of employees. The caring organization
model, with its focus on nonpower relations (such as cooperation, friendship,
and respect), challenges authoritarian and competition-based assumptions
about how business organizations do and
should work.
The rational structure model defines the business organization as
a structure of formal relations, explicitly defined and openly employed,
to achieve some technical or economic goal, resulting in a rational
coordination of the efforts of a number of people through the division
of labor and function (standardly represented by the horizontal dimension
of an organizational chart), and a hierarchy of authority and responsibility
or chain of command (standardly represented by the vertical dimension).
Three main levels of employees are commonly distinguished: an operating
layer of employees who directly produce goods and services that constitute
the essential outputs or products of the organization, and their immediate
supervisors; middle management, directing the operating layers and being
directed in turn by top management; and top management, consisting of Vice
Presidents, the Chief Executive Officer, and the Directors or the owner
of the firm. General policy is decided at the top, these decisions
are passed down the hierarchy and "amplified" (or specified) as commands,
eventuating in commands directly implemented at the operating level.
The authority of the higher ups and the responsibilities of underlings,
on this conception, are contractually based: employees freely and knowingly
agree to accept the organization's formal authority and undertake to pursue
the goals of the organization; the organization agrees, in exchange, to
pay employees an agreed upon wage, and to supply working conditions that
enable the employee to perform assigned tasks. The voluntary contractual
nature of this agreement is held to impose moral duties on the contracting
parties to fulfill the terms of the contract, resulting in two reciprocal
sets of obligations. Employees are obliged to obey organizational
superiors, to pursue the organizations goals, and not to pursue conflicting
goals; employers are obliged to provide employees a fair wage, and fair
working conditions.
The main duty of the employee to the firm, on the rational structure
model, is to work towards the goals of the firm. This is understood
to imply a duty of obedience to superiors, and a duty of avoidance of activities
harmful to or contrary to these goals. Law of Agency provisions
that "an agent is subject of a duty to his principal to act solely for
the benefit of the principal in all matters connected with his agency"
and not for the benefit of "persons whose interests conflict with those
of the principal in matters in which the agent is employed" specify this
main duty. Ways in which employees may fail to discharge their main
duty include acting on conflicting interests; theft; and abuse of privileges
of one's position, as in insider trading.
Potential and actual conflicts of interest arise when an employee
or officer of a company is engaged to carry out a task in which the employee
has a private interest: if an employee actually discharges their duties
in a way prejudicial to the firm in pursuit of their private interest an
actual
conflict
of interest is present. Employees with motives that may tempt them
to act in ways prejudicial to the firm are held to have potential
conflicts of interest. Actual conflicts are morally culpable. The
morality of potential conflicts depends on how likely they are to
become actual. Two practices involving immoral potential if not actual
conflicts are acceptance of commercial bribes and extortion. Commercial
bribe are considerations given or offered to employees by persons outside
the firm with the understanding that, when the employee transacts business
with the giver, the giver will be dealt with favorably. When the employee
demands considerations from an outside agent as a condition for dealing
favorably with them, it is extortion. Commercial gifts, considerations
given to employees by outside agents with no understanding that the employee
will deal favorably with them in return, while less culpable than outright
bribes and extortion, nevertheless raise similar issues since such gifts
are often given in the hope of obtaining favorable treatment.
Factors to be considered when evaluating the morality of accepting such
a gift (suggested by Vincent Barry) include
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the value of the gift: the more valuable the gift the more its acceptance
becomes morally questionable;
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the purpose of the gift: the greater the giver's expectation of
gaining favorable treatment the worse the acceptance;
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the circumstances of the gift, especially the openness with which
it was given: the more openly, the better;
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the position of the recipient: the greater recipient's ability to
advance the giver's interests, the more acceptance of the gift is morally
questionable;
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accepted business practice in this connection: the more generally
such gift-giving is practiced the less questionable acceptance of the gift;
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company policies regarding acceptance of such gifts: if acceptance
is contrary to company policy it is morally unacceptable;
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relevant laws: where acceptance of such gifts is banned by law,
it is morally unacceptable.
Theft -- the appropriation of one's employer's assets without their
consent -- includes "white collar crime" such as embezzlement, forgery,
and fraud in the handling of trusts and receiverships as well as petty
theft of small tools, office supplies, etc. Computer theft
-- the unauthorized examination, use, or copying of computer information
or programs -- is held to be theft notwithstanding the intangible nature
of the property taken, and notwithstanding the fact that the unauthorized
"taking" did not deprive the employer of what they possessed, since such
unauthorized appropriation of computer data and programs deprives the employer
of their ownership rights to exclusive use, to decide whether and how others
may use, and to sell or trade or give away, their intangible property.
Trade
secrets are "proprietary information": nonpublic information
about company activities, plans, policies, records, or technologies developed
or purchased by the company for its private use which the company indicates
by security measures, explicit directives, or contractual agreements, that
it does not wish others outside the company to have. To divulge trade
secrets, consequently, is to act contrary to the goals of the firm. Skills
acquired through working for the firm, are considered parts of the employee's
person and not property of the employer, and do not count as trade secrets.
Where skills leave off and information begins, however, is not always clear-cut,
and companies commonly try to safeguard their interests in this connection
through (legally dubious) contract provisions forbidding employees from
working for competitors for some specified period after leaving the firm,
or through pay offs offered to departing employees on the condition that
they not reveal the proprietary information they have. Insider
trading -- the buying or selling of stock in a corporation on the basis
of "inside information" -- is an example of employee abuse of the privileges
of their position: "inside information" refers to proprietary information
about a company, not available to those outside the company, which would
have a material or significant impact on the price of the companies stock
if known. Insider trading is morally dubious, highly tempting, and
illegal. Nevertheless, it has its defenders who claim it modulates
stock prices in ways beneficial to the workings of the market; it harms
no one because inside traders sell at going market prices; and that the
insider's informational advantage is not unfair, it's just one among many
ways in which traders may be informationally advantaged. Critics
of the practice maintain the information inside traders use is essentially
stolen; and that it reduces market size and increases costs of trading,
which is detrimental to the market. Except for the exact scope of
what constitutes "inside information" the illegality of insider trading
is well established: notably, in this connection, second parties can be
guilty of insider trading if they know the information to have been wrongfully
acquired, even if they themselves did not wrongfully acquire it.
The main duty the employer owes to the employee on the rational structure
view is to provide them with the agreed upon compensation in exchange for
their services. The two main issues arising in this connection concern
the fairness of the wage and the fairness of the working conditions: at
issue is how freely and uncoercedly, and how and knowingly and undeceivedly,
the employee agreed to do this job at this wage. The
fairness of wages is a question complicated not only by the conflicting
interests of employees and employers in this regard, but also to external
factors which impact on fairness: these include, public supports available
to workers; the freedom and competitiveness of the labor market; worker
needs; and the competitive position of the firm. Factors to be taken
into account in determining a fair wage include the following:
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going pay rates in the industry and the area, since labor markets
provide rough indicators of what's fair (or just) if we assume that competitive
labor market prices (determined by supply and demand) are just;
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the firms capabilities, since the more successful the firm, the
more generously it can afford to pay its workers;
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the nature of the job, with higher compensation being warranted
for jobs involving greater risks or burdens, less job security, or more
required training or experience or effort;
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minimum wage laws, which set limits below which wages are deemed
unlawful and unfair;
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relation to other salaries being paid to workers doing roughly similar
work within the organization,
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the fairness of the wage negotiations, which relates to how freely
and knowingly the parties entered the contract.
Issues regarding the fairness of working conditions arise concerning health
and safety, and job satisfaction. Statistics show that workplace
injuries are frequent and often serious, amounting to approximately 3,000,000
serious and 5,000 fatal on the job accidents a year. The Occupational
Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) created by congress in 1970 has
the avowed aim of assuring "for every working man and woman in the nation
safe and healthful working conditions"; and while it has undeniably produced
some good results, its efforts are hampered by inadequate numbers of field
inspectors, and inefficient regulation. Unavoidable risks incurred
in some occupations are acceptable so long as workers are well compensated
for accepting these risks, and freely and knowingly accept them in exchange
for such compensation. Morally problematic cases arise when workers
incur risks unknowingly because they lack the time or expertise to ascertain
the hazards of a job they accept; where risks are simply unknown; or where
workers accept known risks out of desperation due to uncompetitive labor
markets. As a general guideline, employers need to insure that workers
are not being manipulated into accepting risks without their full knowledge
and consent, and not without due compensation. Specific guidelines
pursuant to this general guideline are three:
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wages should reflect the risk-premium prevalent for taking similar risks
in competitive labor markets;
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workers should be provided health insurance benefits suitable to protect
against the known hazards;
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health risks accompanying each job should be thoroughly researched, and
all information discovered made readily available to workers.
Job satisfaction issues arise, most especially, due to job specialization
inherent in the chain of command and division of labor: vertical specialization
restricts the workers range of control and decision making over the activity
involved in their job; horizontal specialization restricts the range
of tasks involved, and increases their repetition. The onerousness
of job specialization was noted even by Adam Smith. The problem of
adequately compensating those who do the most limited and highly repetitive
"fractionated" work is that the most fractionated work is the most unskilled
and, as such, commands the lowest level of compensation on the labor market,
since anyone can do it. This leaves unskilled workers with little
choice except to accept the fractionated work, or not work at all.
Determinants of job satisfaction (according to Hackman, Oldham, Jansen,
& Purdy) include
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experienced meaningfulness of the work by the workers according
to some system of values they accept;
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experienced responsibility by the workers for the outcomes of their
efforts;
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knowledge of results enabling workers to regularly determine whether
the outcomes of their efforts were satisfactory.
Work teams are one proposed remedy for dissatisfactions arising from fractionated
work by increasing the range of workers horizontal authority, e.g., in
scheduling assignments, breaks, and inspections; and by increasing the
range of their horizontal engagement, e.g., by replacing single workers
performing single repetitive tasks with teams jointly responsible for (a
certain number of) complete assemblies.
The political model of the organization focuses on real -- not
just official -- power and authority relations. In contrast with
the rational structure model, which views such relations are relatively
static (as portrayed by the organizational chart), the political model
sees them as constantly shifting through power struggles and authority
clashes. On the political model, organizations are conceived of as
systems of competing power coalitions with formal and informal lines of
influence and communication radiating from each. The direction or
"goal" of the organization, on this conception, is not so much dictated
by rightful authority (as on the rational structure model) as negotiated
among more or less powerful coalitions. The fundamental organizational
reality, on this conception, is power, defined as the ability of individuals
or groups to modify the behavior or others is desired ways (to take) without
having to modify their own in undesired ways (to give). While the
formal authority relations portrayed by the organizational chart are, generally,
major sources of real power, the political model also recognizes informal
sources of power and lines of influence completely outside -- sometimes
even contrary to -- these formal lines of authority and communication.
The principal moral issues arising on the political model, consequently,
concern the moral limits to the exercise of power within organizations:
employee
rights issues concern the moral limits on the power superiors acquire
and exercise over subordinates; office politics issues concern the
moral limits on the power of employees acquire and exercise over one another.
With regard to employee rights, a comparison may be drawn between the
defining feature of political or governmental authority and of corporate
management. Both involve
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a centralized body of decision-making officials (top management in the
case of corporations);
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having the power and recognized authority to enforce their decisions on
subordinates;
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making decisions determining the distribution of benefits (e.g., compensation)
and burdens (e.g., tasks);
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and having a monopoly on such power.
On the basis of such comparisons, some maintain that the power corporate
managers may rightfully exercise over subordinates are subject to
limits analogous to recognized limits on rightful governmental authority;
that individuals enjoy rights to privacy, free speech, and assembly as
employees similar to those they enjoy as citizens. Objectors
to this analogy point to the different bases of the two kinds of authority.
Political authority, they argue, is based on the consent of the governed
(under "the social contract") and civil rights arise from the limited nature
of this consent: civil rights are, in effect, negotiated limitations on
citizen consent. Corporate authority, on the other hand, derives
from ownership of the business: consequently, owners have rights to impose
whatever conditions they choose on employees since, in accepting employment,
employees freely and knowingly contract to accept their employers complete
workplace authority. Objectors to employee rights also point out
that unions already limit the power of corporate management, while there
is no similar countervailing power to protecting citizen's from government;
and, furthermore, objectors maintain, the greater voluntariness of employment
compared to citizenship undercuts the idea that employees are owed rights
similar to those enjoyed by citizens. Defenders of employee rights
reply that the distributed nature of contemporary corporate ownership undercuts
claims to authoritarian privileges based on ownership, since managers do
not simply and straightforwardly function as agents of owners; that only
a small portion of the workforce is unionized, and that portion is decreasing;
and that changing jobs is often nearly as hard and traumatic as changing
countries.
One right, it is claimed, that employees are specifically owed is the
right
to privacy. This right, broadly speaking, to be left alone, is
more narrowly at issue in the workplace under the guise of rights not to
have employers pry into your private life, and the related right to determine
the type and extent of information about yourself you disclose to your
employer. Practices, policies, and technologies which threaten employee
privacy include employer monitoring of computer use and computer and telephone
communications; polygraph testing (which may be legally used in some circumstances
in most industries, and more widely in "exempt industries"); computerized
databanks enabling companies to obtain personal information -- even including
supposedly "confidential information" -- about employees; genetic testing;
urine tests and blood tests enabling companies to screen employees for
drug use, or even alcohol and tobacco use at home; and written tests, such
as psychological inventories and "honesty tests" enabling employers to
pry into employee's personal characteristics. In discussing such
issues two types are privacy may be distinguished: psychological privacy,
the right to keep your thoughts to yourself; and physical privacy,
the right not to be physically surveiled, which is partly valued for its
own sake, and partly for the protection of psychological privacy it avails.
The moral importance of privacy derives from its protective and enabling
functions. Protectively, it inhibits others from obtaining information
that could be used to harm us or interfere in our plans and pursuits; protects
loved ones from being confronted with things about us they might not want
to know; and protects us from self-incrimination or involuntarily harm
to our reputations. Things privacy enables include personal relations
based on giving and receiving confidences which provides the basis for
trust and intimacy; professional relations based on confidentiality; the
maintenance of separation between your private personal and your public
professional life; and control over your own self-presentation or image.
Like all rights, privacy rights need to be balanced against the rights
and needs of others. In particular, claimed employee privacy rights,
need to be balanced against employers' needs to know the qualifications
and work experience of prospective hires, and their rights to protect themselves
against employee theft and fraud: in these connections three considerations
should guide employees in collecting information about employees:
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the relevance of the information to the purposes claimed to license
the employer to obtain it;
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the consent of the employee to the gathering of such information;
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the method by which the information is obtained -- whether it is
ordinary and reasonable or extraordinary and unreasonable.
With respect to relevance, inquiry into matters unconnected with job performance
may be held to be wrongful invasion of privacy: potentially damaging information
unconnected with job performance, if discovered, should be destroyed, not
kept, and certainly not revealed or "leaked". In general, in this
connection, less scrutiny of lower-level employees is warranted than of
top-level managers who are called on to represent the company to others.
With regard to consent, employees should be given the opportunity to consent
or refuse to consent to investigation: consent is often regarded as a condition
of taking a job (on the grounds that one is otherwise free to refuse it);
nevertheless, employees should be informed of surveillance measures in
effect. Concerning method, while ordinary supervisory oversight
is considered ordinary and reasonable surveillance, hidden microphones
and cameras, wiretaps, use of spies, and personality tests and polygraphs,
are generally considered extraordinary and unreasonable. In extraordinary
circumstances use of such extraordinary measure may be warranted, providing
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the firm has a problem that seems solvable by no other means;
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the problem is serious and the firm has good reason to think the extraordinary
surveillance methods will solve it;
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the use of the extraordinary means is not continued beyond the time needed
to solve the problem or the time at which it becomes apparent that the
use of these means will not solve the problem;
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all immaterial information obtained is discarded and destroyed;
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failure rates of extraordinary devices (e.g., polygraphs, personality inventories,
and drug tests) are taken into account and "information" from such fallible
sources is verified by more reliable means.
Freedom of conscience issues arise in the workplace, most especially, when
-- in the course of doing their job -- employees discover that the firm
is doing something they think is wrong or injurious to society. Commonly
insiders are the first to become aware of such matters as defective products,
polluting practices, and unsafe working conditions; but their options are
limited. Bringing the matter to the attention of supervisors may
be ineffective or even precluded due to supervisors not wanting to know,
or already knowing and not wanting to do anything about the problem.
On the other hand, if the employee goes public with the information, this
is legally considered just cause for termination as a breech of the employee's
duties of loyalty and confidentiality to the firm: in many cases employers
will put the matter on the employees record and attempt to see to it that
they are "black-balled" throughout the industry. Many argue that
this situation is in violation of individuals' rights of conscience, i.e.,
their right to adhere to their moral and religious convictions without
being forced to cooperate in activities they believe are wrong. Whistleblowing
is an attempt by a member or former member of an organization to disclose
wrongdoing in or by the organization: disclosure to superiors is deemed
internal
whistleblowing; external whistleblowing involves disclosure
to outsiders such as legal regulators or the press. Studies show
external whistleblowers are always fired and commonly black-balled.
Those who commend such harsh treatment maintain that external whistle blowing
is an egregious violation of the employee's contractual obligation to be
loyal to their employers and to keep inside information confidential and,
consequently, external whistleblowing is always, seriously, morally wrong.
Defenders of whistleblowing reply that contractual obligations are not
unqualified and, in particular, that contracts requiring parties to do
something illegal or immoral are void. Consequently, they hold, external
whistleblowing is morally permissible and may even be obligatory if it
is necessary to prevent a wrong one is morally entitled or morally required
to prevent; or if necessary to bring about a good one is morally entitled
or morally required to bring about; subject, however, to the following
provisions:
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there is clear, substantiated, and reasonably comprehensive evidence of
harmful activity or wrongdoing on the part of the firm;
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reasonable attempts to stop the activity by internal whistleblowing have
failed;
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it is reasonable certain that the external whistleblowing will stop the
activity;
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the wrong or harm the whistleblowing will prevent outweighs the harm it
the whistleblowing will cause to others parties such as stockholders, superiors,
and fellow employees.
Justified occurrences of external whistleblowing can be seen as indications
of failure of an organizations internal communications and oversight systems.
Companies should have clear policies and procedures enabling employees
to voice their moral concerns outside the standard chain of command, e.g.,
through an "ethics hotline" or a company "ethics officer"; enabling employees
to voice concerns anonymously, if they choose, and which result in employee
concerns being taken seriously. Without such policies and procedures
in place, concerned employees are often left with just two options: quitting
and external whistleblowing.
The right to participate in workplace decision making -- to a more democratic
workplace -- is a more controversial right sometimes claimed for employees.
Democracies characteristically feature majority rule and freedom of discussion;
features characteristically lacking in business organizations wherein a
single individual or small group rule, not by consent of the governed (employees),
but by right of ownership or appointment by ownership. Three levels
of proposed democratization in the workplace may be distinguished:
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granting workers rights of consultation on decisions directly affecting
them;
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granting workers decision making powers on decisions directly affecting
them;
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allowing workers to participate in major policy decisions
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through consultation
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through decision-making.
Such organizational democratization proposals are generally unpopular with
management, who cite lack of employee enthusiasm, and who make ideological
appeals to the different bases of governmental and managerical authority
against it. Since governmental authority is based on the the consent
of the governed, they grant, it should be democratic; but business authority,
being based on property ownership rights, may be -- and should be, they
assert -- more authoritarian. On the other side, advocates of workplace
democratization point out that as business organizations come to play greater
and greater roles in our lives, so long as our workplaces are undemocratic,
democratic values, practices, and attitudes will become more and more peripheral
to the actual conduct of our lives. Participatory leadershipmanagement
is an attempt by management of implement democratic elements "top down":
on this approach (similar to level one, above) management still dictates,
but more benevolently and consultatively than has traditionally been the
case. Evidence that such participatory style management increases
productivity, as some claim, seems inconclusive.
Another claimed employee right, to due process, is opposed to
the long standing traditional "employment-at-will" principle according
to which employees "may dismiss their employees at will . . . without being
thereby guilty of legal wrong" whether it be "for good cause, for no cause,
or even for causes morally wrong" (p. 461). This principle is held
to follow as one of the prerogatives of property ownership, from which
employers' authority derives. Objectors to this principle argue that
it is based on the false assumption that employees "freely" accept employment
and are "free" to find employment elsewhere: in reality, critics urge,
heavy costs to workers in job searches and in going unpaid while doing
so, seriously impair their freedom. Secondly, objectors appeal to
considerations of reciprocity to support workers' rights to fair treatment:
workers generally make conscientious efforts to serve the firm with an
implicit expectation that the firm will deal fairly with them in return,
and workers consequently have a quasicontractual right to fair treatment
based on this implicit reciprocity. Thirdly, it is said, that workers
have a right to be treated with the respect due to free persons, which
implies a right to nonarbitrary treatment, and not to be harmed unfairly.
Perhaps due the weight of these three considerations, recent years have
seen increased recognition of employee rights to "due process," i.e., not
to be treated arbitrarily, capriciously, or maliciously, in business decisions
affecting them. Employee grievance procedures are a particularly
important area in which due process guarantees -- such as those outlined
in Trotta & Guddenberg's suggested five elements of an effective grievance
procedure -- find application. According to Trotta & Guddenberg
an effective grievance procedure incorporates the following:
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three to five steps of appeal depending on organization size;
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a written account of grievances past the first level;
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alternate routes of appeal enabling employees to bypass their immediate
supervisors if necessary;
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a time limit at each step of the appeal to assure prompt consideration;
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a right of employees to be accompanied by (1-2) coworkers at each interview
or hearing.
Employee rights with regard to plant closings are another controversial
area. While such closings are sometimes unavoidable in a market economy,
they can seriously negatively impact employees and communities in ways
that occasion ethical concerns. Workers' rights to be treated only
as they freely and knowingly consent to be treated, for instance, seem
to imply employee rights to information about impending shutdowns that
will effect them: such rights are legally recognized in many countries.
Furthermore, considerations of utility supporting the claim that harm should
be borne by the party who will suffer least, together with the fact that
corporations or owners usually have greater resources than workers, seem
to entail that corporations should bear many of the costs of plant closure.
Finally, considerations of justice suggest that workers and communities
that have made substantial contributions to the business should, in all
fairness, be assured that companies will not abandon them by abruptly
and unexpectedly terminating health and retirement plans and corporate
contributions to the local economy. The following ethical recommendations
regarding plant closure have been proposed (by William Diehl) as fair and
reasonable:
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12-18 months advance notice;
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severance pay = 1 week's pay per year of service;
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health benefits to extend at least one year beyond the employee's date
of dismissal;
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early retirement benefits providing full benefits to workers within three
years of their normal date of retirement at the time of dismissal;
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transfer opportunities at no loss of pay and with moving expenses paid
by the employer;
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company sponsored job retraining and counseling;
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an employee purchase opportunity offering the workers and community the
chance to assume ownership and operation of the plant under an employee
stock ownership plan;
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phasing out of local tax payments over a five year period.
A final claimed employee right is the right to organize or join
labor unions. According to its defenders, the general right of free
association specifically implies the right to associate with fellow workers
in pursuit of common interests (e.g., in better pay working conditions).
Furthermore, it is maintained, the right to be treated as a free and equal
person implies a right to countervailing organization, which workers need
in order to defend their interests against the organized corporate might
of management. With regard to the further, crucial, right to strike,
proponents argue that the right of each worker to quit his or her
job implies the right them all, collectively, to strike; at least, so long
as this violates no prior agreements (e.g., nonstrike clauses previously
agreed to), nor the rights of other citizens (e.g., to police and fire
protection). Recent history shows a marked decline in both the percent
of the workforce which is unionized, and in the success of attempts to
organize: this may be due, in part to declining public confidence in unions,
and is surely due in part to intense and widespread management opposition
to unions and unionization, some legal (e.g., propagandizing against, and
lobbying for laws impeding unions), and some illegal (interference with
would-be external organizers and reprisals against employee-organizers).
Consequences associated with the decline of labor unions include increasing
reliance on governmental means -- whether
legislative, regulative,
and litigative -- to provide protections formerly afforded by unionization.
Employee rights such as those just considered would limit the exercise
of formal powers based on the contracted relations described by the organizational
chart. Such relations of authority, deference, and responsibility
are sanctioned and overt: essentially such relations are expressly
stated in job descriptions and contracts that define employee obligations
to the firm, and are recognized by law; additionally, they are characteristically
openly employed by superiors and generally acknowledged and accepted by
subordinates. Informal power relations or "power tactics"
by definition, are not-formally-sanctioned tactics used to advance
one's aims within the organization. Additionally, power tactics are
apt to be be covertly employed and may not be generally acknowledged
or even known about by those affected by them. Consequently -- since
wherever power is used informally or covertly there is increased potential
for abuse -- power tactics pose special perils within organizations: power
tactics frequently result in power struggles between individuals or factions
with competing interests or agendas, often to the detriment of the organization.
Some of the most common power tactics include the following:
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blaming or attacking others;
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controlling information (gossip is a special case of this);
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developing a base of support for one's ideas;
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image building;
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ingratiation ("kissing up");
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association with the influential ("schmoozing");
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forming power coalitions and alliances (perhaps involving tradeoffs);
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creating obligations.
All these tactics work either to gaining control over scarce resources
desired by others, or by establishing favorable relations.
Ethical questions about the use of power tactics arise on a number of
fronts. With regard to utility, since society is well-served by efficiently
functioning organizations, and organizational function is impaired by employee
and factional pursuit of individual or group aims in conflict with the
best interests of the firm, the use of power tactics in pursuit of such
aims would seem to be immoral on utilitarian grounds. With regard
to rights, deceptive and manipulative tactics are generally morally wrong
because they violate individuals' rights to have things done to and through
them only with their informed consent. As for justice, power tactics
would seem to be wrong when used to bring about an unjust distribution
of benefits like career advancement and credit for initiatives, or of burdens
such as blame for failed projects, on the basis of irrelevant considerations.
Finally, with respect to care, power tactics are morally suspect when they
undermine worker bonds of friendship, respect, and cooperation: gossip,
backbiting, and backstabbing do not a caring organization make.
The caring organization approach represents a striking break
from the power orientations of both the "rational structure" and the "political"
views of the organizations. Where the "rational structure" model
emphasizes formal authority relations, and the "political" model emphasizes
real power relations, the "caring organization" picture allots a far more
central place to non-power relations such as friendship, respect,
and cooperation, in the working of organizations. According to advocates
of this approach such nonpower relations actually do figure quite
largely in the workings of organizations, especially in organizations that
work well; and they should, consequently, figure more
largely than they do in most present-day organizations. Organizations
should rely more on cooperation and sharing, and less on compulsion and
competition. Potential competitive benefits which advocates of this
approach claim it will produce include increased productivity due to reduced
friction in the organization; recruitment advantages due to the more desirable
working conditions caring organizations afford; and better customer relations
due to the habit of caring carrying over into the organization's relations
with its customers.